By Matthew Behrens
Just before
Thanksgiving, the Supreme Court of Canada held two days of hearings regarding
the fate of Mohamed Harkat, detained in prison and under house arrest for over
a decade by a secret trial security certificate, the reasons for which he has
never been allowed to know and challenge. October 10 was a public hearing that
he could attend, while October 11 was one he was not invited to, nor were his
lawyers, the media, or the public. In fact, the eight judges of the Supreme
Court disappeared to hold a secret hearing somewhere in Canada.
The ninth
judge, the recently sworn Marc Nadon, was at neither hearing, having stepped
aside pending the completion of a legal challenge launched by Toronto lawyer
Rocco Galati. While commentators have
focused on the constitutional mechanisms underlying Galati’s challenge, there
are plenty of other reasons to have concerns about Nadon sitting as one of the
nation’s top judges. Exhibit 1 could be,
perhaps, an exchange between Galati and Nadon that occurred some 13 years ago
during the security certificate proceeding against Mohammad Mahjoub (arrested
in June, 2000, and still awaiting the outcome of his case, which could include deportation
to torture in Egypt).
During that long-ago hearing, Galati
asked a high-level CSIS staffer, Ted Flanagan, whether lawyers for CSIS ever advise their agents
about Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms,
especially in the context of interrogating individuals like Mr. Mahjoub. At that point, Mr. Nadon, then a Federal Court
judge, chimed in with a response that reeked of a failed German defence at
Nuremberg: “I would be very
surprised if Mr. Flanagan and his colleagues ever spend any time reflecting on
this," said Nadon. "They carry out the policy and the operations. I
don’t see why Mr. Flanagan should worry about the Charter. I don’t think it is his job.” Considering that CSIS, at
that time, had made secret allegations about Mr. Mahjoub that would lead to his
ongoing detention and house arrest for 13 years (continuing to the present
moment), Nadon’s feeling that Charter rights were not something CSIS should be
messing with perhaps escaped the notice of the Supreme Court’s interviewing
committee.
Charter is Not Their
Business
That it should not be their business
to know Charter rights would also appear to be the position of the RCMP
officers who, on the morning of the secret Supreme Court hearing, October 11, attempted to remove a small group of demonstrators posing as “crime scene
investigators.” They had appeared at the court building looking for clues about
the missing judges. As the small crew set about their work in the style of a
CSI drama, complete with evidence tags, magnifying glasses, binoculars, and
other tools of the trade, Mounties demanded answers about the lack of a permit
for the group to gather. When it was explained that the “permit” in question
was called the Charter of Rights and
Freedoms, they failed to understand, preferring to call for backup. As a
5-year-old was joined by two seniors with magnifying glasses scouring the Supreme
Court steps for clues, the Mounties further objected to the presence of Crime
Scene tape laid out in front of the Court building.
“We are concerned that the public
might think this is a crime scene,” one Mountie said.
“Well, it IS a crime scene,” came
the reply, noting that members of the public, invariably tourists, were shocked
to discover the judges were holding such a hearing.
The crime scene investigators took
their search through downtown Ottawa, stopping in at the Dept. of Justice, the
Federal Court (where savvy investigators were able to wrangle out of the head
of security that there are multiple secret locations in Ottawa where Federal
Court judges hold their secret hearings), and the Canadian Border Services
Agency, where they raised the issue of the ongoing migrant detainee hunger
strike in Lindsay. This CSI tour concluded two days of activities that included
a public staged reading of Kafka’s The
Trial (an eerily prescient look at secret trials from almost a century ago)
with such high-profile Ottawa-area writers as Elizabeth Hay, Alan Cumyn, and
Monia Mazigh, as well as the public hearing the previous day, which attracted
such an overflow crowd that additional rooms with video screens had to be opened
up.
A Surreal Scene
It was surreal to sit in the Supreme
Court once again for the third such challenge to security certificates since
2006. Among those who attended were former secret trial detainees (since
cleared) who had watched the original hearing seven years ago from a facility
dubbed Gitmo North, a returnee from torture whose life had been ruined by false
allegations made up by CSIS and the RCMP, and some of Canada’s top civil rights
litigators.
For this writer, a taxi ride into
downtown Ottawa to ensure a seat at the Court was a disappointing but
unsurprising reminder that regardless of court decisions attempting to rein in
Canada’s secretive spy agency, the CSIS machine of harassment, infiltration of
communities, and incessant efforts to turn communities and families against one
another continues unabated. In this instance, the taxi driver explained how
CSIS was constantly calling her to meet, to acknowledge whether she knew any of
the hundreds of people whose photos she was shown, asking her to “friend”
certain individuals on facebook and ask questions of them, make visits overseas
and await further instructions upon arrival, and visit other cities to
investigate the individual’s relatives. When she asked why I thought meeting
with CSIS in such a manner was not safe, I mentioned a number of recent cases
of horrific human rights abuses flowing from CSIS misbehavior, but the
individual confessed to not knowing the names of Maher Arar or Abdullah
Almalki, both Ottawa residents whose lives were ruined by CSIS and RCMP allegations
that federal inquiries found to be dangerously inflammatory and false.
The public hearing at the Supreme
Court revealed a scattered government case that clearly did not impress the
eight judges hearing it. Judges were frustrated that they could not get
straight answers out of the government (perhaps giving them a tiny inkling of
what Mr. Harkat must experience), especially when they wanted to know whether
it was seen as constitutional to base a judicial decision on information that
was secret and not even summarized for an individual.
Secret Cases NOT Built
by Choir Boys
In addition, the question of whether
or not secret informants could be cross-examined by security-cleared special
advocates – something that was denied in the Harkat case – resulted in an
ironic response. Justice Dept. lawyer
Robert Frater appeared shocked at the query, and declared, “You’re
talking about bringing an informant into a closed national security hearing.
Informants are not choirboys, they’re not Good Samaritans.” Perhaps a
reasonable individual would at this point ask: if that is the case, how can you
base a secret case against an individual who faces dire consequences on the
unchallenged word of such individuals, especially when one of them failed a
lie-detector test and one of them was apparently having an affair with the investigating
officer from CSIS?
Indeed, as
Judge Lebel reminder Frater, “To assess the reliability of information you have
got to know where it comes from. We have an example in this case of a situation
where a person was not reliable and (yet) was presented to the court as being
reliable.”
In
addressing the problems of secrecy and the flimsy bits of summarized allegations
that are made public in these cases, Harkat lawyer Matthew Webber referenced what
he called a “quite startling” finding that points to how “dangerous” this
process can be. A recent security certificate decision noted that there were
overlapping summaries of an alleged phone conversation produced by CSIS
monitors in different geographic
regions. “So Monitor A and Monitor B are both listening to the same
conversation and they engaged in their respective summarization processes and [it
was] discovered these two summaries purported to be summaries of the same conversation
[but] didn’t even resemble one another. You wouldn’t have known that the
summaries were talking about the same conversation” except for the discovery by
special advocates that the summaries both referenced the exact time and date. On
such a basis are secret hearing cases built, another reason why transparency in
any case is so crucial.
Wrongful Convictions
“In Canada
we have far too many examples of individuals who have been wrongly convicted on
the basis of mistakes made at the investigative stage by the police,” said
Breese Davies for the Criminal Lawyers’ Association. “There is no reason to
assume that security intelligence investigations will be less fallible or more
reliable. In fact, we have recent examples of where dire consequences have been
occasioned to Canadian citizens” because of practices that are less than
accurate or truthful. Indeed, she called on the Court to be especially vigilant
given the fact that CSIS is well known to have make mistakes in terms of voice
identification, translations, in the selection of and omission of information from
summaries, in their analysis, and their refusal to include exculpatory
information.
While some
judges pressed the lawyers for solutions to the ongoing conundrum of security
certificates – with the chief judge worrying about an ongoing “cascade” of such
challenges coming before the court – there was, unfortunately, barely a word about
secret trials abolition. This was not good news for those subject to the
process, nor the hundreds of asylum seekers who have had secret allegations
used against them at refugee hearings since 2008.
At day’s
end, the chief judge McLachlin accidentally let slip that the court would
resume the next day at 9:30 am, and had to be reminded that they would not be
sitting in the court, since it was a “closed” hearing.
Meanwhile, that ninth seat on the bench was
being warmed for Mr. Nadon, the man who upheld Mr. Mahjoub’s security
certificate in 2000 based on secret allegations (and, as CSIS later revealed,
information gleaned from torture.) But Mr. Nadon does not appear to worry
himself about such niceties as Charter rights when it comes to individuals
being tortured (as Mahjoub will likely be if deported), nor was he too
concerned when it came to the torture of Omar Khadr at Guantanamo Bay. In a decision
on the repatriation of Khadr, Nadon was clear: “I am
far from convinced that Canada had a duty to protect Mr. Khadr,”
he said of the Canadian teenager tortured in Afghanistan and Gitmo, adding
“Canada has taken all necessary means at its disposal to protect Mr. Khadr during the whole period of his detention at Guantanamo
Bay…. It is clear that Canada has decided not to seek Mr. Khadr’s
repatriation at the present time. Why Canada has taken that position is, in my
respectful view, not for us to criticize or inquire into.”
Referring
to the interrogation of Mr. Khadr by Canadian officials, which occurred
following torture that included sleep deprivation (in violation of Charter and international
rights), Nadon’s position was similar to the one he took in the Mahjoub case when
it came to CSIS not having to worry itself with such annoyances. “The fact that
Canadian officials interviewed (sic) Mr. Khadr cannot
amount to cruel and unusual treatment, even if these officials were aware that
Mr. Khadr had been deprived of sleep. Mere knowledge
of Mr. Khadr’s mistreatment cannot be equated with
participation in such mistreatment.”
Such an argument might have raised a few
eyebrows at Nuremberg.
Mr.
Harkat, meanwhile, like Jozef K in The
Trial, awaits the outcome of a process in which someone was saying something
about him, but he is not allowed to know why.